28 mrt 2008

د افغانستان په شمال کې درى عسکر زخمى شوېدى.German ISAF Injured in Noord Afghanistan


د افغانستان په شمال کې د جرمنېانو په ېوه گزمه باندى حمله شوېده او درى جرمنى عسکر ېې ژوبل کړېدى.
د جرمنى نظامى چارواکى وايي د ا گزمه د کندز په ولاېت کې وه اونن د پنجشنبى په ورځ د سړک د غاړى ېو بم دهغو ى زغرور

موټر ته نېژدى وچاودېده


په دغه چاودنه کې دوه عکسر ښه کارى زخمى سول. پر جرمنېانو باندى دا فشار دى چې په افغانستان کې دناټو کو ششو نو ته نور عکسر هم ورکړى.
د کاناډا ددفاع وزېر پېټر مکې پر جرمنى باندى غږ کړېدى چې په جنوب کې ستر نقش ولرى، ځکه هلته ېاغې طآلبان ډېر فعال دى. هغه دغه خبرى په هغه مرکه کې وکړې چې د جرمنى په ېو ه مجله ډېر شپېگل کې خپره شوېده.
جرمنى اوس په افغانستان کې تر درو زرو نه زېات عسکر لرى، خو زېاتره ېې په شمال کې چې نسبتا ارامه ده ځاى په ځاى شوېدى.
رپوټ وايي چې جرمنى پنځه کاله مخکى په افغانستان کې خپل عسکر اچولى دى نو له هماغه وخت راهېسى ېې ٢٦ عسکر وژل شوېدى.
د چارشنبى په ورځ د فرانسى جمهوررئېس نېکولس سر کوزې د برتانېې پارلېمان ته ووېل فرانسه غواړى چې په افغانستان کې خپل نظامى موجودېت زېات او پراخه کړى.
هغه ووېل پکارده چې طالبانو ته ماتى ورکړل شى دا مهمه نده چې قېمت به ېې څومره وى.


By: Feroz Nikzad

طالبان ددولت په ضد رواني جگړه کوي


دافغانستان د ملي امنيت ادارې ويلي دي چې طالبان ددولت په وړاندې پر رواني جگړه بوخت دي . دغه وينا د طالبانو له خوا د يو لړ نو عملياتو د پيلولو د اعلان په غبرگون کې وشوه


طالب وسله والو بيا بيا گواښ کړى دى چې د سپرلي په اوږدو کې به دافغان دولت په وړاندې پراخ عمليات پيل کړي .
خو د ملي امنيت ادارې طالبان کمزوري وبلل او وېويل چې ددولتي ځواکونو په وړاندې دمخامخ عملياتو د ترسره کولو وس نه لري .
ددې سره سره چې د افغانستان د ملي امنيت اداره د طالبانو گواښ د دولت په ضد رواني جگړه بولي خو وايي د طالبانو د هر ډول عملياتو دمخنيو لپاره چمتوالى لري .
دافغانستان د استخباراتو وياند سعيد انصاري په دې اړه ډير جزيات وړاندې نکړل خو وېويل چې افغان امنيتي ځواکونه د ټيکاوود ټينگيدا لپاره هڅې کوي :
(( ددښمن ددې تبليغاتو او د سولې ددښمنانو د ورانکارو فعاليتونو د له منځه وړلو او دافغانانو د امنيت لپاره دافغانستان امنيتي ځواکونه او په ځانگړي ډول د ملي امنيت کسان ددې چمتوالى لري چې ددښمنانو هر ډول شوم پلانونه کشف او مخنيوى يې وکړي .))
له دې وړاندي طالبانو ددولت په ضد د عبرت په نامه د پوځي عملياتو د ترسره کولو اعلان کړى وو او ويلي يې وو چې دغه عمليات به دروان کال په سپرلي کې پيلوي .
په دې اعلاميه کې د طالبانو د يو قومندان له خولې ويل شوي وو چې دوى به د تير کال د تجربو په کارولو سره په نوې بڼه پوځي عمليات په افغانستان کې پيلوي.
د طالبانو دې وينا گواښنه کړې وه چې دوى به له افغانستان څخه د بهرنيو ځواکونو تر وتلو او د اوسني افغان حکومت تر نسکوريدو پورې وجنگيږي.
ملي امنيت د طالبانو دې گواښ ته د ځواب په لړ کې د يو شمير لاسته راوړنو يادونه هم وکړه او زياته يې کړه چې د نوي کال په پيل کې يې يو ځانمرگى بريد کونکى د سپرلۍ له يو گاډي سره ونيوه چې له چاودونکو توکو ډک وو .
ده وويل چې په دې تړاوو يې دوه تنه د خوست او دوه تنه د کندهار په ولايتونو کې هم ونيول .
ښاغلي انصاري دا هم وويل چې دکابل په لويديځ د پغمان په ولسوالۍ کې يې د وسلو يوه زيرمه هم موندلې چې ددوى په وينا طالبانو دکابل د امنيت د خرابولو لپاره جوړه کړې وه .


By: Feroz NIkzad


27 mrt 2008

په خوست کې يو ښونځى سوځول شوى دى



دافغانستان د خوست په ولايت کې يو ښونځى چې د ولايتي بيارغاونې ډلې په مالي مرسته جوړ شوى وو تيره شپه په بمونو الوزول شوى او ويجاړ شوى دى .



دا لومړنى ښونځى دى چې د نوي لمريز کال له پيل وروسته ددولت د وسله والو مخالفينو له خوا له منځه وړل کيږي .
چارواکي وايي چې ددې ښونځي ډيره برخه دوه زورو چاودنو ويجاړه کړې ده .
ددې ښونځيو له له منځه وړلو سره په سيمه کې د پوهنې پڅ بهير نور هم له ستونزو سره مخامخ کيږي .
سيمه ييز چارواکي او عام وگړي له دغې پيښې وروسته د ښونځيو د امنيت په اړه انديښمن شوي دي .
د ښونځيو د سوځولو لړۍ ددرې کلونو راهيسې د افغانستان په سوېل کې چې ډيرى اوسيدونکي يې دطالبانو په وړاندې دجگړې قربانيان پاتې شوي دي روانه ده.
دښونځيو د ښونکو ، زده کونکو او د پوهنې د کارکونکو گواښل ددې لامل وگرځيدل چې زيات شمير تنکي ځوانان او پيغلې ونشې کړى چې ښونځيو ته ولاړې شي .
د افغانستان د پوهنې وزير حنيف اتمر وايي د حل لاره د ناټو د ځواکونو ډيريدل نه دى بلکه د ده په وينا د افغانستان د امنيت چاره بايد افغاني شى.
خو سم لاسي د ښونځيو د ساتلو او له سوځولو او ويجاړولو څخه د خوندي پاتې کيدو لپاره د پوهنې وزارت يوازې پر سيمه ييزو جرگه گيو بسنه کړې ده چې د ښاغلي اتمر په وينا هر ښونځى يې لري .
خو دډيرو خلکو په وينا د امنيتي کسانو له مرستې پرته د ښونځيو د ساتلو بهير نابشپړ پاتې کيږي .
دخوست په ولايت کې د تيرې شپې پيښې وښودله چې حالات سم نه دي او ښونځي لا هم د سوځولو ، ويجاړولو او له منځه وړلو له گواښ سره مخامخ دي .
د صبريو په ولسوالۍ کې دغه منځني ښونځي ته ودانۍ نوې جوړه شوې وه خو په سيمه ييزه کچه دغه ولسوالۍ د ناکراره هغو په ډله کي راځي .
چارواکي وايي چې تيره شپه په دې ښونځي کې دوه چاودنې وشوې او سيمه ييزو خلکو بي بي سي ته وويل چې د ښونځي دوه ساتونکي بريدکونکو له ځانه سره د يرغمل په توگه وړي دي .
خو تر اوسه ددغې پيښې پړه چا په غاړه نه ده اخيستې خو طالبانو له دې وړاندې گواښ کړى وو چې هر ډول پروژې چې ددوى له اجازې پرته په سيمه کې پلې شي دوى به مخه ونيسي .
د خوست په ولايت کې د ښونځيو د رغاونې يو پلان د پوهنې د وزارت له خوا ددې کال په اوږدو کې پلى کيږي.خو د بيارغاونې هر ډول پروژو لپاره امنيت ته ډيره اړتيا ده.


By:Feroz Nikzad

STOP COMING WAR VS. IRAN




The United States wants to control Arab and Muslim oil and make big profits for military and other well-connected contractors. Israel and its powerful American lobbies and leaders want to crush any potential challenge to Israel’s possession of stolen Palestinian lands. Tens of millions of American Christian Zionists support Israeli expansionism because they believe it will bring Armageddon and the return of Jesus. All want to maintain a U.S.-Israel monopoly on nuclear weapons in the Middle East. There is ample evidence that to maintain this monopoly, the U.S. and Israel plan a dangerous war against Iran, and probably its ally Syria, that could kill millions of Muslims, Arabs, Israelis and even Americans. See maps.
Israel has made it clear to George Bush that it will attack Iran if the U.S. does not do so, and possibly with nuclear weapons. The Israel Lobby and its many many representatives in Congress and among the vast majority of presidential candidates also condone or promote such an attack. Dick Cheney has made it clear he wants an attack. Bush has very little alternative than to attack and his ramping up the propaganda machine to prepare America for such an attack. And current U.S. military policy clearly demands that the U.S. use nuclear weapons against Iran, either to destroy deep buried nuclear targets or in retaliation against Iranian counter-attacks. Bush needs another war to terrorize Americans, distract attention from the disastrous war in Iraq and his many scandals, and rally the people behind the leader. With Iran nuclear targets only a few hundred miles from Russian territory, and with nuclear armed Pakistan so vulnerable to a takeover by radical Muslims, any conventional or nuclear attack on Iran easily could escalate into a catastrophic regional or even world nuclear war. The probable Republican candidate John McCain has joked about bombing Iran.




By: Feroz Nikzad

Britain's Afghan mission is a fruitless and failing pursuit





While soldiers die and huge sums are frittered on Karzai's regime, the operation is failing in whatever objective it had
Musa Qala has "fallen" to coalition troops and the Mercian Regiment's nine dead have been remembered at Westminster Abbey. Surely it is time to reassess the British operation in southern Afghanistan. The House of Commons public accounts committee - not the patsy foreign affairs committee - should travel to Kabul and conduct a full audit into the venture and ask what conceivable value to Britain lies in its continuance.
On Monday the prime minister visited Helmand. He was right to prefer this photo opportunity to the ridiculous EU-Africa junket in Lisbon, but only if his eyes and ears were open. In Helmand's Camp Bastion, he declared that defeating the Taliban on the ground was vital to "defeating terrorism all around the world". While prime ministers may sometimes have to talk nonsense to troops at the front, nonsense it remains.
Brown knows he will not "defeat the Taliban", a term for shifting groups of anti-western Muslim fundamentalists across the Iran-Afghanistan-Pakistan crescent. Brown knows that terrorism is not an entity but a weapon, and is not susceptible to defeat. Brown knows that his troops in Helmand are boosting the drugs trade, antagonising the population and recruiting insurgents. He knows it because, we must assume, he reads his intelligence.
It is now a year and a half since British briefers in Kabul were giving absurdly optimistic forecasts about the ease of suppressing the Taliban. American bomb-search-and-destroy, said the first Nato joint commander, General David Richards, would be replaced by his strategy of winning hearts and minds. It was a sure-fire winner, he said, and would need no more than 3,000 British troops. John Reid, the then defence secretary, even talked of completing the Helmand deployment "without a shot being fired", and eliminating the opium harvest as "vital to the defeat of terrorism". The whole Helmand expedition has from the start been a suicide mission. Since last year, 81 British troops have died and untold numbers been maimed for life. The United Nations calculates that violent incidents have risen by 20-30% since the British took over Nato command, with as many as 5,000 local deaths. The policy of using high-altitude bombers did not cease, despite the pleadings of Afghanistan's elected ruler, Hamid Karzai, who knows that every bomb recruits 10 Taliban.
This week Musa Qala was attacked with B52s before the Americans and British entered what was left of the town. Who knows how many civilians have died? As the Americans found with Falluja in Iraq, there is no way you can "conquer" an urban settlement unless you intend to colonise it for ever. You can only stun it into temporary submission and long-term antipathy. There is no military solution in Afghanistan, not even a military start to a solution. Can Brown not see this?
Last year the British cut a deal with tribal leaders in Musa Qala that was clearly a dud - except insofar as cutting deals is going to be the only exit strategy from this morass. Gen Richards's model required an intensive follow-up of aid to win hearts and minds. This did not happen. The Taliban simply walked back in. Does nobody hold inquests into these murderous mistakes? And what now but a return to the status quo ante? A "small British platoon" cannot hold Musa Qala, nor can the Afghan army. The Taliban can go wherever they like outside the Kabul area.
The only ingenuity shown by British policy-makers is over ways of spending large sums of Treasury money. In pursuit of what the retiring British ambassador, Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles, calls a "30-year haul", the British taxpayer is building a £1bn base in Helmand and the biggest British embassy outside Washington in Kabul. Random millions in aid are spent, mostly on consultants arriving on short contracts and entombed in a Kabul compound. There is no point in the Department for International Development blowing millions on "democratic education" or "voter encouragement" or "gender awareness" in places such as Kandahar, where women go in fear of their lives and teachers flee "night letters" or are hanged at dawn. One one-day "civic" course cost taxpayers £40,000 and yielded a few T-shirts.
To spend budgets, agencies and NGOs are dumping millions on the doorstep of the Karzai regime, which vanishes goodness knows where. Some $18bn a year is disappearing into Kabul's budgetary hinterland. You cannot get a penny to employ a health visitor in Britain but you can get tens of thousands a year to "consult" on some awareness programme in Afghanistan. You cannot get a properly armoured car in Helmand, but armoured land cruisers are two a penny in Kabul. If the National Audit Office opened a branch in Kabul, it would have a seizure.
The six-year western operation in Afghanistan has all but failed in its goal of stamping out lawlessness and turning the country into a stable pro-western democracy. It has failed in eliminating the opium trade and in ridding the anarchic Afghan-Pakistani border of terrorist academies. While the concept of "Taliban" may be inexact, as Jason Burke wrote in yesterday's Guardian, its discipline is re-infecting almost all of Afghanistan's provinces. Western agencies can, falteringly, build roads, bridges and schools, but they cannot sustain them without central order. That this does not exist is evident in the restrictions on westerners moving outside the capital.
The "smart" estimate of how many troops - fully committed and equipped western troops - would be needed to hold Afghanistan for Karzai against the insurgents has risen in the past year from 150,000 to 200,000. Since an army on this scale is completely inconceivable, what is the purpose of the mission? It is not protecting British citizens from terror. It is undermining security next door in Pakistan. Were it not for the poppy crop, which Nato now proposes to spray from the air, Afghanistan would be an economic basket case.
British soldiers should never be sent to fight and die because ministers will not face a simple truth. As for Britain's politicians mouthing hypocrisies about "our brave boys", they are a disgrace. When asked recently what he thought of the Helmand expedition, the Tory leader David Cameron shrugged and replied, "We can't just stand by and do nothing." That is Britain's post-imperial disease in a nutshell. Do anything, however stupid. In Afghanistan there is no realistic mission, no achievable objective, no long-term strategy, only the fruitless pursuit of failure.


By: Feroz Nikzad

26 mrt 2008

STOP MAKING WEAPONS NOW !!!







OPIUM BUSINESS VIA AFGHAN-UZBAK FRIENDLY BRIDGE MADE BY MR. H. KARZAI







KARACHI - Drug smugglers call it the golden route: from Afghanistan into Pakistan and then into eastern Iran, it's the trail that takes Afghanistan's abundant opium, and its derivative, heroin, to Western markets.And all along the way there is strong political compromise in
which officials turn a blind eye to the players visibly plying the notorious route, and at each stage the commissions get bigger. In Afghanistan, and also enriches not only the United States-friendly Afghan warlords but also elements of the Northern Alliance, the US's key ally in the country. Afghanistan is estimated to produce 87% of the world's supply of opium (4,519 tons this season, down 2% from 2004 ), with nearly half of the country's US$4.5 billion economy coming from opium cultivation and trafficking. Under the latter years of the Taliban before their ouster in the US-led invasion of late 2001, opium production continued apace, but in the immediate post-invasion period warlords blocked the smuggling routes.The international smugglers were thus forced to make new dealswith the warlords to allow for the safe transportation of the narcotic. By the end of 2002, the drug underworld further upgraded the deals under which opium was smuggled into Pakistan, then back into Afghanistan and on to Europe. A senior US Pentagon official who has been involved in US-supported low-intensity war operations and insurgencies since the Vietnam war and involved in the reorganization of the Northern Alliance [1] in Afghanistan to effectively pitch them against the Taliban, admitted to Asia Times Online that the drug economy in Afghanistan was more powerful than the official one. He said that the only thing that linked pro-Taliban and pro-Northern Alliance warlords was the black economy, from which money trickled down to the anti-US resistance - which has intensified lately, with 1,100 people killed in the past six months. The golden arteriesInformation obtained from the US Drug Enforcement Agency in Washington reveals trafficking groups based in Pakistan smuggling multi-ton shipments of drugs to Europe and the US. These regional drug traffickers represent a diverse ethnic and tribal cross-section. Couriers take some of the drugs out of Pakistan through its international airports and the port of Karachi; the remainder goes overland along Pakistan's Arabian Sea coast to Iran and on to Turkey, or up into the Central Asian states. The general route for smuggling Afghan-produced opiates from Pakistan goes overland from Pakistan's Balochistan province across the border into Iran, then passes through the northwestern region, which is inhabited by Kurds, and finally into laboratories in Turkey, where the opium is processed. The shipments from Pakistan may be broken down into smaller shipments once in Iran. Iran is both a transit country and a destination for opium products. Iranian domestic production is believed to be quite low and unable to supply domestic demand. Opiates not intended for the Iranian market transit Iran to Turkey, where the morphine base is processed into heroin. Heroin and hashish are delivered to buyers located in Turkey, who then ship the drugs to the international market, primarily Europe. Inside the underworld Near the coastal belt of Makran along the Arabian sea in Balochistan province lies the small town Mand, from where Pakistan's federal minister for special education, Zubaida Jalal, hails. But for the local people, the name in the region is Imam Deen. Imam Deen's influence spreads north, west, east and south of the coastal highway lanes from Gadani (near Karachi) all the way along the coast. Imam Deen is number one on the wanted list of Pakistan's Anti-Narcotics Force, which registered cases against him in 2002 and 2003, which were then referred to the Narcotics Suppression Court in Quetta, the capital of Balochistan. But he never appeared and the court declared him an absconder. Nevertheless, he is often seen in the corridors of power in Quetta, and with the province's chief minister, shuttling between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Asia Times Online investigations reveal that Imam Deen lives without fear in Mand, which is informally the heart of the "golden route". Drugs not destined for the laboratories of Turkey end up in the Mand area, where they are refined and sent back to Afghanistan en route to Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, where Afghan drug lords hand their consignments over to the international underworld. These are generally inferior quality drugs for the local market. The better quality opium is smuggled to European destinations. In the north of Afghanistan, the drugs generally pass through the hands of Uzbek warlord Sibghatullah in Mazar-i- Sharif. They made a new bridge called (friendly bridge) on the border of Afghanistan and Uzbekistan.It reopened on 9 December 2001. Via that bridge they export 90% of opium to Uzbekistan and whole Europe.That is the great work of Hamid Karzai to feed Europe.






By : Feroz Nikzad

24 mrt 2008

اسامه پر اروپاييانو غږ کړى افغانستان پريږدئ


د القاعدې د مشر اسامه بن لادن په نامۀ خپارۀ شوي کسيټ له اروپايي هيوادونو څخه له امريکا سره د مرستې د ختمولو غوښتنه کړې .
دغه کسيټ چې يوازې غږ لري له قطر څخه خپريدونکي تلويزيون ، الجزيرې ، خپور کړى دى .
ټلويزيون دغه غږ لږ خپور کړى چې پکې د القاعدې پټ شوى مشر ادعا کوي چې د امريکا د واک زور مخ په کميدو دى .
اسامه بن لادن وايي دا د اروپايي ولس په گټه ده چې پر خپلو سياستوالو فشار واچوي چې ځانونه د دۀ په وينا له سپينې ماڼۍ څخه ليرې کړي .
القاعده مشر نړيوال ځواکونه په افغانستان کې د ملکي کسانو پر وژنې هم تورن کړي دي .
د دغو خبرو نورې برخې چې په اينټرنيټ کې خپرې شوي زياتوي چې د امريکا په مشرۍ پر افغانستان بريد ځکه سم نه و چې د ٢٠٠١ کال د سپتمبر د ١١ نېټې بريد يوازې دۀ کړى دى .
شننونکي وايي داسې ښکاري چې دغه غږ دې په رښتيا هم د اسامه بن لادن وي .
گومان دا دى چې د دې کسيټ په خپرولو اسامه بن لادن يو وار بيا هڅه کړې ده چې اروپاييان له امريکاييانو سره جلا کړي .
د ولسمشر کرزي له خوا په غبرگون کې ويل شوي چې اسامه بن لادن په افغانستان کې د دوى په وينا د گڼو بې وزلو کسانو په وژنه تورن دى او دا حق نه لري چې د افغانانو په باب دا ډول خبرې وکړي .
ولسمشر کرزى زياتوي چې اسامه بن لادن اسلامي نړۍ ته بد نوم ورکړى او دا حق نه لري چې د افغانستان په اړه څرگندونې وکړي .
اسامه بن لادن له ٢٠٠١ کال څخه راهيسته پټ دى او دا لا معلومه نه ده چې په افغانستان که په پاکستان کې دېره دى .
په ٢٠٠١ کال کې د طالبانو پر رژيم د متحدو ايالاتو په مشرۍ نړيوال ايتلاف بريد وکړ او ډيرو دا گومان کاوۀ چې ښايي اسامه د ننگرهار ولايت په توره بوړه سيمه کې د نړيوالو له بريد سره مخامخ شوى وي .
د تورې بوړې له نيولو وروسته د اسامه بن لادن درک معلوم نه شو او داسې گنگوسې شوې چې گواکې د القاعدې مشر د ډيورنډ له کرښې پورې غاړې اوښتى او په پاکستان کې پټ شوى دى .




By:Feroz Nikzad

الظواهري: امريکا او اسرائيل په نښه کړئ


الظواهري وايي د غزې په تراډه د اسرائيلي بريدونو پر وړاندې دې د نړۍ مسلمانان د امريکا، اسرائيل او ددوى د پلويانو گټې په نښه کړي او پر دوى دې بريدونه وکړي .

الظواهري د يوې انټرنيټې وېبپاڼې له لارې په يوه خپاره شوي غږيز پيغام کې ويلي چې مسلمانان بايد د فلسطين غزې له اوسېدونکو سره لانوره مرسته وکړي .

دى پرته له دې چې خپل مشخص اهداف په گوته کړي، زياتوي چې نه ښايي چې بريدونه يوازې د اسرائيل د ننه وشي، بلکې ددوى پر پلويانو دې هم بريدونه وشي .

الظواهري د خپل پيغام په وروستۍ برخه کې پر مسلمانانو غږ کړى چې خپلو اهدافو ته د رسېدو لپاده دې مالي لگښت نه سپموي .

څو ورځې وړاندې د القاعده ډلې مشر اسامه بن لادن هم په يوه خپاره شوي غږيز پيغام کې د عراق پر مسلمانانو غږ کړى وو چې د فلسطين د ازادۍ لپاره دې جهاد وکړي .

اسامه دا هم ويلي چې پر غزه د بنديز غزول د انابوليس د کانفراس له پايلو څخه دى .

اسامه په خپل خپاره شوي پيغام کې پر فلسطيني چارواکو نيوکه کړې چې له اسرائيلو سره دې خبرې اترې نه کوي، بلکې د فلسطين د ازادۍ لپاره دې جهاد وکړي .

د القاعده مشر له مسلمانانو په ټينگه غوښتي ول چې په عراق کې دې د امريکايي يرغلگرو پروړاندې خپل جهاد ته دوام وکړي، ځکه چې دا د ''فلسطين د ازادۍ'' يوازېنۍ لاره ده .


By:Feroz Nikzad

21 mrt 2008

ANTI KORAN FILM MAKED BY DUTCH PARLIMENT MEMBER(GEERT WILDERS)


Geert Wilders, the far-right Dutch member of parliament who has made an anti-Koran film called Fitna (Arabic for chaos), is putting exceptional pressure on his country’s political elite. Mr Wilders, who likened the Koran to Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf, is the Netherlands’ best known politician throughout the Islamic world. Fitna has not yet been shown. However, burning Dutch and Danish flags in Afghanistan and crisis preparations in The Hague and Brussels indicate that this is already a big issue, and the film is a point of discussion at this week’s European summit. The maverick politician is determined to broadcast his Islamophobic ideas this month. Jan Peter Bal­kenende, prime minister, has publicly acknowledged that he has a crisis on his hands. The Dutch government cannot be blamed for focusing on the immediate threat, but it must also reflect on the long-term issue of the Netherlands’ international reputation.

The consequences of this affair will be different from those of the Danish cartoon incident, but this is hardly reassuring. Diplomacy is the art of smoothing out such matters, but it is hard to defend oneself against potential hate campaigns, violence against citizens overseas or a spontaneous boycott of products. The possible criticism by western opinion leaders of the “Dutch condition”, a constant theme in political crises related to the country’s climate of intolerance and tight integration policies in recent years, would also be politically damaging.

Film or no film, Maxime Verhagen, the Dutch foreign minister, needs to readjust policies on how the country is portrayed abroad, focusing on the potential of Dutch society. Maximising Dutch “soft power” has a different set of rules from traditional diplomacy. It is important for public diplomacy to intensify non-official relations with foreign countries, heed the cultural component of foreign policy and hold dialogue with one’s own citizens. It is not about government to government relations, but about getting through to the nooks and crannies of other countries that official diplomacy cannot reach.

The problem with The Hague’s public diplomacy is that, too often, government itself executes policy at a time when there is decreasing confidence in government. Moreover, international cultural policy has not kept up with the times. Cultural diplomacy is not only about presenting a country’s culture and improving its image abroad. It is, first and foremost, an instrument for deepening debates about society and culture at home. Insufficient attention is paid to this last dimension.

These are not just flaws in Dutch policy. European diplomatic services have been debating public diplomacy for years, but foreign ministries struggle to keep up with changing communication patterns. Even France, which has nurtured its image for centuries, finds it hard to relate to the concept of public diplomacy.

The Dutch and other European powers could involve their citizens more in discussions on international politics and foreign policy, transforming the ministry of foreign affairs into more of a domestic department. Consultations on foreign policy, using modern technology but also old-fashioned face-to-face diplomatic outreach to domestic constituencies, strengthen support for international efforts. Outside Europe, countries as diverse as Canada and Indonesia are far ahead in this regard. They realise that domestic outreach and global reputation are connected.

In the Netherlands, the need for domestic public diplomacy occurs in a period of confusion about Dutch identity. In recent years, the Dutch have learnt a great deal from political upheaval surrounding the assassinations of politician Pim Fortuyn and film-maker Theo van Gogh, as well as debates about MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s Dutch citizenship and the limits of her protection by government. But now, more than ever, fresh ideas are needed. Mr Verhagen should place more of the execution of public diplomacy with independent organisations and public groups, partly sponsored by companies. Governmental bodies have a credibility problem: the public distrusts official information.

The commotion surrounding Mr Wilders’ film will continue to test politics in the Netherlands for some time. But this affair also offers an opportunity for long-term investment in the country’s international reputation.

The writer is director of diplomatic studies at the Clingendael Institute of International Relations, The Hague, and professor of diplomacy at Antwerp University. His book, The New Public Diplomacy (Palgrave), was published in paperback last year.

Feroz Nikzad

14 mrt 2008

New Afghan Warlords


The New Face of Terror in Afghanistan:
How so-called “Democracy” Empowered our Allies;
the Fundamentalists, Warlords and Drug Barons.


Press for Conversion! (Issue #59) September 2006
(View the magazine's cover and table of contents here)

A phoney democracy–dominated by warlords, drug barons, oil industry representatives and World Bank administrators–has now been successfully imposed upon Afghanistan by the world's major military and economic powers, including Canada. The current issue of Press for Conversion! outlines the key steps in the supposedly “democratic process" that brought this government to power. The process began very soon after 9/11, which offered a convenient pretext needed for the U.S. aerial-bombing campaign, that began on October 6, 2001. Some 3,000-3,400 innocent civilians were killed during the first six months of that U.S. bombardment alone.

Thanks to the subsequent military, financial and diplomatic efforts of American, Canadian and other NATO-member states, many of Afghanistan’s most violent and dreaded terrorists are now back in power, running the country's government.

This issue of Press for Conversion! highlights the litany of appalling scandals surrounding the so-called "democratic process" that aided and abetted this return to power of our closest allies in Afghanistan, the notoriously-brutal "Northern Alliance" warlords and their fundamentalist mujahedeen militias.

Many Afghan people and organizations are understandably outraged that this US-led, Canadian-assisted process of "regime change" was used to replace one a set of murderous, fundamentalist warlords (the Taliban) with another (the Northern Alliance). One such Afghani is Malalai Joya. She is among a small handful of MPs who challenge these warlords in parliament.

Malalai Joya was in Canada to speak at the NDP convention, which passed a resolution demanding that the Canadian government withdraw troops from Afghanistan.
We were very fortunate to be able to arrange for Malalai to speak at a public forum in Ottawa. She was introduced by Richard Sanders, coordinator of the Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade, and editor of its magazine, Press for Conversion! Read more about her Ottawa talk here and here.

Several articles in the new issue of Press for Conversion! focus on Malalai's struggles to expose the terrorists and war criminals who have taken over Afghanistan's parliament, including the government's top cabinet positions:

New Afghan Warlords


The New Face of Terror in Afghanistan:
How so-called “Democracy” Empowered our Allies;
the Fundamentalists, Warlords and Drug Barons.


Press for Conversion! (Issue #59) September 2006
(View the magazine's cover and table of contents here)

A phoney democracy–dominated by warlords, drug barons, oil industry representatives and World Bank administrators–has now been successfully imposed upon Afghanistan by the world's major military and economic powers, including Canada. The current issue of Press for Conversion! outlines the key steps in the supposedly “democratic process" that brought this government to power. The process began very soon after 9/11, which offered a convenient pretext needed for the U.S. aerial-bombing campaign, that began on October 6, 2001. Some 3,000-3,400 innocent civilians were killed during the first six months of that U.S. bombardment alone.

Thanks to the subsequent military, financial and diplomatic efforts of American, Canadian and other NATO-member states, many of Afghanistan’s most violent and dreaded terrorists are now back in power, running the country's government.

This issue of Press for Conversion! highlights the litany of appalling scandals surrounding the so-called "democratic process" that aided and abetted this return to power of our closest allies in Afghanistan, the notoriously-brutal "Northern Alliance" warlords and their fundamentalist mujahedeen militias.

Many Afghan people and organizations are understandably outraged that this US-led, Canadian-assisted process of "regime change" was used to replace one a set of murderous, fundamentalist warlords (the Taliban) with another (the Northern Alliance). One such Afghani is Malalai Joya. She is among a small handful of MPs who challenge these warlords in parliament.

Malalai Joya was in Canada to speak at the NDP convention, which passed a resolution demanding that the Canadian government withdraw troops from Afghanistan.
We were very fortunate to be able to arrange for Malalai to speak at a public forum in Ottawa. She was introduced by Richard Sanders, coordinator of the Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade, and editor of its magazine, Press for Conversion! Read more about her Ottawa talk here and here.

Several articles in the new issue of Press for Conversion! focus on Malalai's struggles to expose the terrorists and war criminals who have taken over Afghanistan's parliament, including the government's top cabinet positions:

1 mrt 2008

شهزاده هېري په هلمندکې له طالبانوسره په جگړه کې



شهزاده هېري په هلمندکې له طالبانوسره په جگړه کې

کلن شهزاده هېري له تېرو لسو اوونيو راهيسې د افغانستان په سويل هلمند ولايت کې د طالبانو پر وړاندې جگړه کوله23
هغه په افغانستان کې دى، خو د امنيتي ستونزو له امله يې د اوسېدو د اصلي ځاى ځايگي په اړه کره معلومات نشته . د ه خپل ډېر وخت د برتانيا په هغې پوځي اډه کې تېراوه چې د امنيت له اړخه تر ډېره بريده خوندي وه، که څه هم دمگړۍ
اډه کې تېراوه چې د امنيت له اړخه تر ډېره بريده خوندي وه، که څه هم دمگړۍ هغه په افغانستان کې دى، خو د امنيتي
ستونزو له امله يې د اوسېدو د اصلي ځاى ځايگي په اړه کره معلومات نشته .
د يادولو وړ ده چې، دى وروسته له هغه افغانستان ته راغى چې په عراق کې د زياتو امنيتي ستونزو له امله له تلو منع شو .
په دې اړه د برتانيا دفاع وزارت او لومړي وزير خپل غبرگونونه هم څرگند کړي دي .
دفاع وزارت په خپل غبرگون کې ويلي دي چې په افغانستان کې د شهزاده هېري د شتون خبر چې ددوى له مشورو پرته بهرنيو خبري سرچينو خپور کړ، دوى يې خپه کړي دي او دا يې له هغو پرېکړ و سرغړاوى بللى چې دوى يو له بل سره ددې خبر په پټولو کې کړې وې .
خو لومړي وزير گورډن براون په خپل لومړي غبرگون کې د پرنس هېري ماموريت برتانيايي ولس ته يو سمبول بللى او ويلي يې دي چې برتانيا د دا ډول سرتېرو په لرلو وياړي .
هغه همدا ډول د شهزاده هېري او د افغانستان په گډون په نورو هېوادونو کې د خپلو سرتېرو له خدمتونو نه هم مننه کړې ده .
هېري دلته له طالبانو سره په جگړه کې په لومړۍ کرښه کې د برتانيا د نورو سرتېرو په څېر برخه اخيستې ده .
ده په خپل ماموريت کې د هوايي ترافيکو د همغاړي کولو ترڅنگ هغو جنگي الوتکو ته هم لارښوونه کوله چې د ځمکنيو ځواکونو ملاتړ يې کاوۀ .
د راپورونو له مخې دى به کله ناکله د پلې گزمې لپاره له کمپه بهر هم ووت او په دې خوښ و چې په خپله دنده کې ډېر فعال دى .
پرېنس هېري تل دا هيله لرله چې د يو عادي سرتېري په څېر خدمت وکړي، هغه له خپلې پوځي دندې خوښي ښووله .
٢٣ کلن شهزاده هېري چې د شهزاده چالز او ملکې ډيانا زوى دى، له تېرو لسو اوونيو راهيسې د افغانستان په سويل هلمند ولايت کې د طالبانو پر وړاندې جگړه کې په لومړۍ کرښه کې پروت دى .
د برتانيا د سلطنتي کورنۍ دا درېيم غړى دى چې له هېواده بهر پوځي دنده ترسره کوي .


By : Farhan Nikzad

I hate Islam,' says Holland's rising political star Geerd Wilders


'I don't hate Muslims. I hate Islam,' says Holland's rising political star The Guardian Geert Wilders, the popular MP whose film on Islam has fuelled the debate on race in Holland, wants an end to mosque building and Muslim immigration. Ian Traynor met him in The Hague Geert Wilders, the right-wing Dutch politician. Photograph: Jerry Lampen/Reuters A TV addict with bleached hair who adores Maggie Thatcher and prefers kebabs to hamburgers, Geert Wilders has got nothing against Muslims. He just hates Islam. Or so he says. 'Islam is not a religion, it's an ideology,' says Wilders, a lanky Roman Catholic right-winger, 'the ideology of a retarded culture.' The Dutch politician, who sees himself as heir to a recent string of assassinated or hounded mavericks who have turned Holland upside down, has been doing a crash course in Koranic study. Likening the Islamic sacred text to Hitler's Mein Kampf, he wants the 'fascist Koran' outlawed in Holland, the constitution rewritten to make that possible, all immigration from Muslim countries halted, Muslim immigrants paid to leave and all Muslim 'criminals' stripped of Dutch citizenship and deported 'back where they came from'. But he has nothing against Muslims. 'I have a problem with Islamic tradition, culture, ideology. Not with Muslim people.' Wilders has been immersing himself in the suras and verse of seventh-century Arabia. The outcome of his scholarship, a short film, has Holland in a panic. He is just putting the finishing touches to the 10-minute film, he says, and talking to four TV channels about screening it. 'It's like a walk through the Koran,' he explains in a sterile conference room in the Dutch parliament in The Hague, security chaps hovering outside. 'My intention is to show the real face of Islam. I see it as a threat. I'm trying to use images to show that what's written in the Koran is giving incentives to people all over the world. On a daily basis Moroccan youths are beating up homosexuals on the streets of Amsterdam.' Wilders is lucid and shrewd and the provactive soundbites trip easily off his tongue. He was recently voted Holland's most effective politician. If 18 months ago he sat alone in the second chamber or lower house in The Hague, his People's Party now has nine of 150 seats and is running at about 15 per cent in the polls. His Islam-bashing seems to be paying off. And not only in Holland. All across Europe, the new breed of right-wing populists are trying to revive their political fortunes by appealing to anti-Muslim prejudice. A few months ago the Swiss People's Party of the pugnacious billionaire Christoph Blocher won a general election while simultaneously running a campaign to change the Swiss constitution to ban the building of minarets on mosques. Last month in Antwerp, far-right leaders from 15 European cities and from political parties in Belgium, Germany and Austria got together to launch a charter 'against the Islamisation of western European cities', reiterating the call for a mosque-building moratorium. 'We already have more than 6,000 mosques in Europe, which are not only a place to worship but also a symbol of radicalisation, some financed by extreme groups in Saudi Arabia or Iran,' argued Filip Dewinter, leader of Belgium's Flemish separatist party, the Vlaams Belang, who organised the Antwerp get-together. 'Its minarets are six floors high, higher than the floodlights of the Feyenoord soccer stadium,' he said of a new mosque being built in Rotterdam. 'These kinds of symbols have to stop.' Where a few years ago the far right in Europe concentrated its fire on immigration, these days Islam is fast becoming the most popular target. It is a campaign that is having mixed results. In Switzerland, the Blocher party has been highly successful. In Holland, Wilders is thriving by constantly poking sticks in the eyes of the politically correct Dutch establishment. But when Susanne Winter ran for a seat on the local council in the Austrian city of Graz last month by branding the Prophet Muhammad a child molester, she lost her far-right Freedom Party votes. For the mainstream centre-right in Europe, foreigner-bashing is also backfiring. Roland Koch, the German Christian Democrat once tipped as a future Chancellor, wrecked his chances a fortnight ago by forfeiting a 12-point lead in a state election after a campaign that denounced Muslim ritual slaughter practices and called for the deportation of young immigrant criminals. Wilders echoes some of the arguments against multiculturalism that have convulsed Germany in recent years. Like many on the traditional German right, he wants the European Judaeo-Christian tradition to be formally recognised as the dominating culture, or Leitkultur. 'There is no equality between our culture and the retarded Islamic culture. Look at their views on homosexuality or women,' he says. But if Wilders shares positions and aims with others on the far right in Europe, he is also a very specific Dutch phenomenon, viewing himself as a libertarian provocateur like the late Pim Fortuyn or Theo van Gogh, railing against 'Islamisation' as a threat to what used to be the easy-going Dutch model of tolerance. 'My allies are not Le Pen or Haider,' he emphasises. 'We'll never join up with the fascists and Mussolinis of Italy. I'm very afraid of being linked with the wrong rightist fascist groups.' Dutch iconoclasm, Scandinavian insistence on free expression, the right to provoke are what drive him, he says. He shrugs off anxieties that his film will trigger a fresh bout of violence of the kind that left Van Gogh stabbed to death on an Amsterdam street and his estranged colleague Ayaan Hirsi Ali in hiding, or the murderous furore over the Danish cartoons in 2005. The Dutch government is planning emergency evacuation of its nationals and diplomats from the Middle East should the Wilders film be shown. It is alarmed about the impact on Dutch business. 'Our Prime Minister is a big coward. The government is weak,' says Wilders. 'They hate my guts and I don't like them either.' And if people are murdered as a result of his film? 'They say that if there's bloodshed it would be the responsibility of this strange politician. It's almost a self-fulfilling prophecy. They're creating an atmosphere. I'm not responsible for using democratic means and acting within the law. I don't want Dutch people or Dutch interests to be hurt.' But he does want to create a stir. 'Islam is something we can't afford any more in the Netherlands. I want the fascist Koran banned. We need to stop the Islamisation of the Netherlands. That means no more mosques, no more Islamic schools, no more imams... Not all Muslims are terrorists, but almost all terrorists are Muslims.' Free speech or hate speech? 'I don't create hate. I want to be honest. I don't hate people. I don't hate Muslims. I hate their book and their ideology.' For more than three years, Wilders has been paying for his 'honesty' by living under permanent police guard as the internet bristles with threats on his life. He has lived in army barracks, in prisons, under guard at home. 'There's no freedom, no privacy. If I said I was not afraid, I would be lying.' There is little doubt that if Wilders's film exists - and it's shrouded in secrecy - and is broadcast, it will be construed as blasphemy in large parts of the world and may spark a new bloody crisis in relations between the West and the Muslim world. He does not seem to care. 'People ask why don't you moderate your voice and not make this movie. If I do that and not say what I think, then the extremists who threaten me would win. By: Farhan Nikzad

خوست کې چاودنې پنځه پوليس ووژل

په خوست کې چارواکي وايي دغه چاودنه په صبريو (يعقوبي) ولسوالۍ کې نن سې شنبې (د فبروري ٢٦) سهار شاوخوا نهه بجې وشوه .
د صبريو ولسوال لطف الله بابکرخېل بي بي سي ته وويل د چاودنې موخه د دې ولسوالۍ د پوليسو پر ټولى مشر قومندان رازق نور وه .
نوموړى وايي د پوليسو ټولى مشر سهار له خپل کوره ددندې پر لور روان و چې سراچه ډوله موټر يې د سړک پرغاړه خښ شوي ماين وخوت .
ښاغلى بابکرخېل زياتوي په دې چاودنه کې د رازق نور په گډون دده څلور نور ساتونکي پوليس، چې دوه يې زامن او دوه نور يې خوريونه ول، وژل شوي دي .
خو د کورنيو چارو وزارت په يوه تازه خپره شوې خبرپاڼه کي ويلي چې د ريموټ کنټرول په وسيله د سړک د غاړې ماين چاودنې په دې پېښه کې څلور ملي پوليس او يو بې گناه ماشوم وژل شوي دي .
د صبرو ولسوال ددغې پېښې پړه پر د هېواد او سولې پر دوښمنانو اچوي .
بل پلو له يو ناڅرگند ځاى څخه د وسله والو طالبانو يو تن وياند ويلي چې ماين ددوى لخوا خښ کړاى شوى و او د پوليسو نوموړى افسر ددوى تر څارنې لاندې و.
د سويل ختيځ خوست ولايت د صبريو ولسوالۍ يو له هغو سيمو څخه ده چې گڼ شمېر بهرني او افغان پوځيان پکې مېشت دي او دغه ولسوالي هر وخت د تاوتريخوالي شاهده ده .
دوه اوونۍ وړاندې هم په خوست کې د يوې چاودنې په پايله کې د کمپاين (پوځيانو) ځلور تنه سرتېري وژل شوي ول .

By : Farhan Nikzad